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Bill C-36 Media Watchlist - you can help!

gugu

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Feb 11, 2009
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And this amazing statement in the original piece:

"Under the old law, SNUG regularly partnered with Edmonton Police Service to run operations in which sex workers were taken into custody. But instead of pressing charges, women were brought to SNUG offices, given some food and offered services.

When the law changed, police weren’t able to charge sex workers anymore and SNUG lost a crucial outreach opportunity."
 

Siocnarf

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Jul 30, 2011
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Snuggletown
FBI Helps Shut Down Seattle Sex-Work Review Board
Federal agents are more than happy to spend their time playing website whack-a-mole when there are assets to seize.

Elizabeth Nolan Brown
Jan. 7, 2016
https://reason.com/blog/2016/01/07/fbi-helps-shut-down-seattle-sex-work-rev

On Wednesday, visitors to TheReviewBoard.net were greeted not by the site's usual array of forums but a series of law-enforcement badge photos displayed prominently above the following message: "This website has been seized pursuant to a Promoting Prostitution investigation conducted by the King County Sheriff's Office, the Bellevue Police Department, the King County Prosecuting Attorney's Office, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation."

The site, which The Stranger's Sydney Brownstone describes as "an online mainstay of the Seattle sex industry," previously provided a space for clients and sex workers to dish on one another in the interest of lust and safety, as well offered a free-advertising venue. But like so many tools that make life easier for those in the sex trade, this one runs afoul of our government's new mission to "end demand" for prostitution, which it has rechristened "modern slavery."

"There's very little information to go on at the moment, but a spokesperson from the Bellevue Police Department told The Stranger that King County Prosecutor Dan Satterberg will be holding a press conference related to the website [Thursday] morning," notes Brownstone. The conference will be held at 11:30 a.m. Pacific time.

The Sex Workers Outreach Project (SWOP) offers a few more details, including the fact that several people have been arrested in conjunction with the site's shutdown. "Sex worker communities believe that the site may have been specifically targeted in connection with a raid on a massage parlor where non-native Asians worked or because non-Native Asian sex workers advertised through the website," SWOP-USA reports.

"Migrant sex workers, especially Asian migrant workers, are often inaccurately labeled as trafficking victims," said SWOP-USA Board President Savannah Sly, who expects prosecutors to highlight the presence of migrant Korean sex workers on The Review Board as evidence of human trafficking. But "just because a women came to the U.S. and works as an escort does not mean she did so involuntarily," adds Sly. "These assumptions are blatantly racist and xenophobic. Many migrant workers in the sex trade, domestic work and agriculture emigrate and work voluntarily."

Across social media, Pacific Northwest sex workers and their clients aired frustrations yesterday. "Uh-oh. Seattle ladies and gentleman, looks like the end of an era. Not in a good way," tweeted Mistress Matisse, a Seattle-based dominatrix and leading sex-worker rights activist.

"The persistent criminalizing of communication based on hypothetical sexual behavior should be disturbing to everyone," Matisse added. And "the use of police resources to raid and shutdown sexworker resources like TRB message board does not reduce trafficking or make anyone safer. Instead, it increases sex worker's reliance on (possibly coercive) third parties, and makes it harder for us to screen clients for safety."

"Dumbest thing ever. TRB helped so many on both sides," read another response. "Gotta love the scare tactics," chimed in @sexylezcouple4u. "There will always be a venue. If not that one, there will be another. Wasted funds."

If the past few years are any indication, however, federal agents are more than happy to spend their time playing website whack-a-mole. First it was Craigslist's "adult" section. In 2014, it was MyRedbook.com. Then, last year, the Department of Homeland Security took down gay-escort site Rentboy. And everyone from U.S. senators to obsessed Illinois sheriffs have been trying to shut down the classified-ad site Backpage.

Backpage, however, has refused to just roll over for authorities. Following a string of legal victories (the most recent of which cited an amicus brief from Reason Foundation!), Backpage is now suing the federal government over its attempt to impose criminal liability on third-party publishers. "Given the enormous volume of third-party content [sites like Backpage] receive and disseminate every day," the suit states, "websites cannot possibly review every post to guarantee nothing is unlawful." However, Backpage does flag posted ads that seem suspect and cooperate with law enforcement when specific ads are in question; the site has actually been instrumental in countless cases involving missing teens.

The shutdown of The Review Board is just the government's latest attempt to go after consensual prostitution by stoking fears about forced sex trafficking, and it doesn't matter if they're actually putting everyone more at risk and making trafficking investigations harder. The goal has never been about sex worker safety or saving victims, it's about punishing people whom the government views as blatantly skirting its rules and then wringing from them all the assets that it can.

So perhaps the only surprising thing about this Review Board situation is it produced a local TV news report (featuring Reason contributor Maggie McNeill) that doesn't merely parrot police talking points. Newscasters actually allow sex workers to speak for themselves about the site's shutdown and how it puts them at risk, while noting that Seattle recently received a $1.5 million grant from the Justice Department to help "eradicate human trafficking" and "end modern slavery."
 

gugu

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La CLES sex trade experts? Again presenting ideological groups (sects) as experts. Of course they did not call Stella, the real experts. CBC, Radio-Canada, BBC, among they best news stations in the world, just can't get it when it comes to sex work.
 

RobinX

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Aug 30, 2009
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Montreal
The Paternalistic Fallacy of the “Nordic Model” of Prostitution

by Cas Mudde
Associate Professor in the School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA) at the University of Georgia and Researcher at the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX) at the University of Oslo.

04/08/2016 02:55 pm ET

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cas-mudde/the-paternalistic-fallacy_b_9644972.html

This week France became the fifth European country to make it illegal to buy sex. This so-called “Nordic Model,” which is actually only implemented by some Nordic countries, is gaining momentum throughout the continent and its proponents are trying, so far unsuccessfully, to make it a EU-wide reality.

The so-called “Nordic Model” is a return to the darkest periods of left-wing paternalism, in which self-professed progressives fight for middle class utopias at the expense of the socially weak. In classic fashion the opinions of the ‘protected’ are either ignored or dismissed by the ‘protectors’. Sex workers, who in large majority oppose the criminalization of people who buy sex (so-called “Johns”), are stripped of their agency, reduced to “victims” of the “sex industry” who suffer from “false consciousness.”

A recent editorial of The Guardian, the British standard bearer of the European progressiveness, gives an interesting insight into the increasing difficulties that progressives have with justifying criminalization of sex work. It is a remarkable combination of confusion and desperation. While it actually refers to some of the little reliable research that is out there, it largely ignores its implications and recommendations. This is because most serious research shows that the “Nordic Model” has neither improved the situation of sex workers nor significantly decreased the “sex industry.” Instead, as The Guardian somewhat acknowledges, the “New Zealand Model“ (of decriminalization) has at least achieved the former.

The Guardian stakes its claim to ban sex work primarily on the “harm principle,”, that is “the assertion that the only just use of power in a civilised community is to prevent harm.” So, what harm is being done? Progressives often remain vague on that, assuming that “we all know” what they are talking about. There is no doubt that physical and verbal abuse is a major problem for sex workers, but this is hardly unique to that specific group. For example, here in the US rape is rampant at colleges and in the military and yet no one argues to ban armies and universities (or their recruiters)!

No, the alleged “harm” is in the act of sex work itself, i.e. the selling of sex. This is a position that might make sense from a conservative religious point of view but much less so from a progressive perspective. While progressives can, and perhaps should, oppose the commodification of sex, the question remains: why only of sex? Why not also of education and health? Similarly, while it may be true that “in all paid-for sex there is, arguably, an inherently exploitative dimension,” this can be argued for many other professions - from entertainment to mining to professional sports (like boxing or football).

The real argument seems to be that sexuality is something “personal,” which is intrinsically linked to (strong) emotions. Obviously, this is a highly debatable position, and will at the very least depend on the person. Moreover, it has a clear, if often implicit, sexist underpinning - as it is the selling woman who is harmed, not the buying man, reflecting a long-standing gendered notion of sexuality, in which female sexuality is inherently problematized.

But even if women were harmed by sex work - and by the work itself rather than by the conditions and stigma associated with its criminalization - it would still constitute a matter of self-harm - forced sex work is always illegal, as it constitutes rape not sex. The only way to argue that it is harm rather than self-harm is to strip sex workers of agency. And this exactly what is being done, including by feminists and progressives that normally defend the agency of women.

In the words of The Guardian editorial: “The social and economic circumstances in which a woman sees sex work as the best available option represents, in itself, an environment of coercion.” Sure, this undoubtedly applies to many, perhaps even most, sex workers - who, incidentally, are not all women! But it also applies to many other professions. Few people move to the oil fields of North Dakota because they love the dirty hard work and long remote winters. And many if not most, people enlist in the military, particularly in countries that are often involved in military conflicts (like the UK and US), because of a lack of social and economic alternatives. Moreover, soldierscan not only loose their lives, they also run a heightened risk of being raped!

If progressives really want to help sex workers, and weaken the exploitative aspects of the “sex industry,” they should legalize sex work, or at the very least decriminalize it. This will dramatically increase the health and safety of sex workers, as has been shown in New Zealand. They should also change the social climate surrounding sex work. Obviously, this will be much more challenging, not in the least because it requires them to change their own traditional views on sexuality in general, and female sexuality in particular.

If they really want to legislate something, then focus on empowering sex workers vis-à-vis the “exploitative” sex industry. Create an educational infrastructure and legislative structure that enables (collectives of) sex workers to run their own affairs, making them independent of pimps and others. Punish discrimination of sex workers by other businesses, such as banks and other financial institutions, who often refuse to open accounts for sex workers - even if they are not involved in illegal activities!

Even if the final goal is to live in a world without sex work, the first concern should be for the (alleged) victims of the sex industry. As sex workers have made clear across the world, they do oppose the criminalization of both the selling and buying of sex. They want to see their trade decriminalized (or legalized). As research shows, it is only when sex work is decriminalized that the life of sex workers improve. And that should be the prime objective for all, including those truly concerned with the “victims” of the “sex industry.”
 

gugu

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Feb 11, 2009
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Sex worker and activist Laura Lee: ‘It’s now far more difficult to stay safe’

Note: lots of good comments at the bottom of the article

http://www.theguardian.com/society/...hern-ireland-law-challenge-interview#comments

The criminalisation of men who pay for sex in Northern Ireland was supposed to protect women – but one of the few sex workers prepared to talk publicly says it will do the opposite. As Laura Lee prepares to challenge the new law in court, she explains the trials and consolations of the oldest profession

Amelia Gentleman

Friday 5 February 2016 15.10 GMT

At the end of our conversation, Laura Lee smiles helpfully and dictates the beginning of this article for me. “‘Despite having stayed up working until 6am, Laura Lee is unexpectedly bright and cheerful when we meet.’ That’ll do, won’t it?”

There aren’t many sex workers in Britain happy to talk openly about their work, so Lee is used to being interviewed, and she is so friendly and kind, and so anxious to be as informative as possible that (despite being genuinely a little tired after a night working) she wants to help with the process of getting the interview out from the notebook on to paper.

It’s true that she is managing to be remarkably upbeat, on just four hours’ sleep; she had to get up at 10am to prepare for an 11am appointment – two hours with a tall, cross-dressing man who came with a pink wig and bag of his own clothes. (“He doesn’t feel that his wife would understand his desire to dress up in women’s clothes. I understand his hesitance,” she says, with ready sympathy.) Our conversation is slotted in before her 5.30pm client makes his way to the bare but cosy basement apartment she is renting by the day in Edinburgh.

Lee will need all her reserves of cheerful energy during the next fortnight, as she prepares a legal challenge against the government of Northern Ireland, which last June introduced radical new legislation making it illegal to pay for sex. Although, in the abstract, the change in the law appears positive, shifting the burden of criminality from women firmly on to their clients, most sex workers believe the new law makes their work much more unsafe. Lee, a law graduate, has crowdfunded more than £7,000 from clients, other sex workers and friends to try to secure a judicial review, aiming to get the legislation repealed. The first hearing at the Belfast High Court is listed for 19 February.

Arguments about this case, and the broader debate about the best way to tackle exploitative treatment of women in the sex industry, are unexpectedly rancorous. On one side, there are those who favour the Swedish model, which is what Northern Ireland has adopted, of criminalising consumers rather than sex workers, a model also backed by some Labour MPs, who have launched the EndDemand campaign, hoping to introduce similar legislation in the rest of the UK. Meanwhile, Hollywood actors from Meryl Streep to Kate Winslet are backing anti-trafficking legislation and noisily opposing a new campaign by Amnesty International that supports the full decriminalisation of all aspects of consensual sex work.

With both sides arguing that they are campaigning for women’s rights and safety, it is a confusing and curiously fractious area of feminism. But Lee is mostly just extremely fed up at the exclusion of sex workers’ voices from much of the conversation.

“Playing a sex worker in a film does not make you an expert on the sex industry; somebody please tell Anne Hathaway,” she says, of the actor who won an Oscar for her performance of the prostitute Fantine in Les Misérables, and who also has spoken out against Amnesty’s campaign. Lee is irritated by the determination of anti-prostitution activists to ignore the experience and opinions of sex workers. “We have asked them on several occasions to stop speaking over our heads. It’s patronising. It’s ‘shh, shh, we know what’s best for you, we’re going to get you out of this industry because you’re harming yourself and you don’t even know it’. I think I’d know if I was being harmed,” she says.

She makes tea in the shiny clean kitchen of the holiday-let flat – a place she describes jauntily as “her dungeon” as she leads me down through the cold corridors, but which is remarkably mundane, with clean, white walls, a couple of small bedrooms and a smell of clean laundry. She talks over the friendly rumbling noise of the boiler.

She is enraged by the decision of the Northern Ireland government to bring in changes to the law governing prostitution, under the Human Trafficking and Exploitation Act, a policy she believes is motivated by the moral conservatism of the Democratic Unionist Party, but cloaked in more universally acceptable anti-trafficking justification. Anyone convicted of paying for sex under section 15 of the new Act can be sentenced to a maximum of one year’s imprisonment, or a fine, or both.

Because she combines her activism with her sex-work career, she has direct experience of how the new law has made working women much more vulnerable. Born in Dublin, she lives with her teenage daughter near Glasgow, but travels around the country for work, advertising her tour dates ahead of time on her website. Currently about 50% of her work is in Northern Ireland; since the introduction of law, she has found working there much more dangerous. “People are not willing to use online booking forms, not willing to divulge their details. Everyone suddenly became ‘John’,” she says. “There hasn’t been a reduction in demand, but it is far more difficult to keep myself safe.”

During the past decade, women have increasingly relied on the internet to protect themselves against violent or unpleasant clients, turning to sites such as National Ugly Mugs and to those such as Adultwork and Escort Ireland which show how colleagues have rated men’s behaviour. “It might say ‘lovely guy, very punctual; would definitely see him again’. It’s a bit like eBay; both sides leave feedback. We have a number of online screening processes, but clients [in Northern Ireland] are point-blank refusing to use those systems. They are paranoid about anyone coming across their activities online. It is hugely problematic,” she says.

Only about 10% of her regular clients responded to the new law by deciding to stop using her services; the rest continue to come but feel very stressed by the hypothetical threat of prosecution. (Whether that should prompt sympathy is another question.) “They’re afraid of being put under some form of surveillance; they worry. They ask: ‘Do you think you are being watched? Do you think the police will try to get the reg of my car?’ I try to comfort them. I say: ‘I think the police might be a little bit too busy to be trailing your car home.’” In the first six months after the change was introduced, only one man was arrested under the legislation. “The police have made it abundantly plain that they are stretched to the max. There is a hierarchy of crimes; you’ve got someone who is zooming around Belfast in a stolen car, or consenting adults behind closed doors having sex. Well, I know which one I would go after,” she says.

Still, clients remain unreassured, and most refuse to give any details that would allow her to check the online database of undesirable people. “So my choice is to go with my gut instinct or to turn them down, and just not make any money.” Lee, who made what she describes as an “unorthodox” decision to start work in a massage parlour in Dublin when she was 19, to avoid having student debts when she finished her law degree, has been working in the industry for 20 years, and is better placed than most to judge which clients are unsuitable, but she has nevertheless been badly shaken recently by her own misjudgments.

“I had a guy call a number of months ago. He was perfectly polite – a little curt, maybe, but I put that down to nerves. When he got to my place, he was very clearly disturbed. He started with hideous verbal abuse, based on sectarianism, and his hatred of sex workers, a hatred of Catholics, just a hatred of who we are and what we do. I kept him as calm as I could, I used every soothing method I knew, I didn’t attempt to argue back. My primary purpose was to get him out of the room, which I did eventually.” She isn’t often alarmed by her clients, but this new inability to screen them has frightened her and her colleagues. “I was left badly shaken by the experience and the knowledge that I had no way of tracing this man to warn other sex workers about him,” she says. Other women have told her that they are “very scared”.

Until now she has felt relatively safe. She has a few younger clients, but the vast majority are men aged between 40 and 60. “Sometimes the wife is ill or in a care home, or they got married very young; they still adore their wives but the physical side is missing.” Some clients are disabled, and she sees aspects of the job as close to social work. “Sex is probably about 25% of what we do; it is compassion, it is companionship, it is listening,” she says.

Her broadly upbeat description of her job is at odds with the more widely accepted view of the sex industry as a place where vulnerable women are exploited by their clients. She argues that trafficking is a “minuscule” part of the picture, and claims that concern about rising numbers of women trafficked into the country to work as prostitutes, is whipped up by “prohibitionist campaigners” who “conflate migrant sex workers with trafficking victims, to create a moral panic, and to justify their funding”. (This is not the view of groups such as the Human Trafficking Foundation, which points to police estimates that 50% of women working in London’s 2,000 brothels have been trafficked.) She also asserts that the business is not sexist, that “generally speaking, the sex worker gets to keep most of the money”, and that the “sex industry is one of the very few industries in which middle-class to upper-class men regularly give large sums of money to working-class women. I wonder if that’s one of the reasons why people hate us.” She has some very glib lines about her work (“It’s not suitable for a lot of people, but then neither is nursing”), which sound a bit brittle, and defensive, as they’ve been wheeled out over the years to bat off disapproval.

Despite her defiant cheerfulness, she doesn’t try to gloss over the industry’s brutal sides; many of her colleagues are mothers, who see clients when their children are at school, nudged into prostitution because they are battling the consequences of benefit cuts and job losses. “I don’t push the happy hooker myth. You’d be surprised at the amount of time I spend talking women out of going into the industry. It is a rough environment. It can make or break you. Some women flourish within the industry – I know because I am one of them. But some women just completely break down. It is very demanding; the lies, the secrecy, the danger of being found out,” she says. “My past was anything but glamorous. I have worked in penthouse apartments, right down to what can reasonably be described as a chicken coop. I have been through some very tough times. There are some days I absolutely adore my job. There are some days I could cheerfully dangle my client by the ankles out the window.”

After her first foray into the industry while a student (a decision she can’t really explain fully, saying unpersuasively that she was inspired by Cynthia Payne), she was outed by a tabloid newspaper (her parents were “surprised”). Some years later, she moved with her small daughter to Ayrshire, took a badly paid job in a bank, and realised that there were no escorts operating in the Highlands, so she set up a website and started work again (“Old habits die hard”). But she was outed again, her neighbours were vile and her bank tried to sack her. She spent four years fighting them in court, and although she lost, the anger the experience unleashed fuelled her passion to fight for her fellow sex workers’ rights: “That is what made me an activist.”

Explaining the crisis to her seven-year-old daughter was easier than she anticipated. “I said: ‘Mummy has this job, I keep lonely men company if they’ve not got a woman with them. It’s not illegal and it’s not immoral, but it’s probably best that we don’t talk about it at parents’ evening.’ Even at seven, she asked ‘But why is that a bad thing?’ And I said, ‘Well it’s not, but not everybody sees it that way.’”

They moved to a new home, where both her neighbours and the school have been supportive and protective of her. She says her daughter, now a teenager, is well-adjusted and sensible, and very uncurious about her job. She keeps her job well away from her home, which is over-run with hamsters and cats. “Sometimes I might come home and growl a bit, and say, ‘Oh my god! That man’s manners; you should have seen him eating his dinner at the table, like a giraffe.’ We don’t mention the sexual thing – it’s not appropriate.”

Activism and her legal challenge is taking up more and more of her time. As well as fighting to get Northern Ireland to remove Section 15, she is also fighting for the legalisation of brothels, because she sees them as a much safer environment for women. She would like to see the UK move towards full decriminalisation of prostitution, as New Zealand has done, and believes that with Amnesty’s decision to champion the cause, this is not an unrealistic goal. Meanwhile, she is in her third year of a psychology degree, and wants gradually to change her career to lecturing on sex work, advising police forces, possibly pursuing a PhD.

But it’s clear that taking on the role as a rare public spokesperson for the rights of a largely invisible workforce is not always much fun. Because she is so often on television, and instantly recognisable with her curly hair, she sometimes attracts unwelcome attention in public. “Sometimes I think: ‘Why did I put myself through this?’ I’ll be eating a Big Mac, and people will be staring. It is hard. I’m like: ‘Can you not! I’m trying to spend time with my daughter.’ I’ve even had people take out their phones and take photos of me. It’s not nice,” she says, and drops her jaunty tone, suddenly serious. “Understand, I’m not doing what I do for fame. I’m doing it because it’s right.”

• This article was amended on 9 February 2016 to clarify that National Ugly Mugs does not provide a platform to leave or receive feedback.
 

gugu

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Feb 11, 2009
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News from Finland

Police specialist slams new prostitution laws

New punishments for anyone caught trying to buy sex from a victim of people trafficking, introduced in Finland last year, could actually make it harder to catch traffickers and pimps, say experts.

News 25.4.2016 16:10 | updated 25.4.2016 17:21

New laws which outlaw buying sex from a victim of human trafficking or someone who is controlled by a pimp have made it harder to catch the criminals behind people trafficking operations, according to two specialists.

Under the new punishments, introduced in summer 2015, it is the punter’s responsibility to know whether the person they are buying sex from has been trafficked or is being controlled by a pimp. There is no defence for someone claiming not to have known that the person they were buying sex from was a victim, under the new rules.

However, some experts have criticised the law as being counter-productive. Jaana Kauppinen, who runs the organisation Pro, which supports sex workers, says the new law has been a failure.

”When even the attempt to buy sex is a punishable offence, then the client has broken the law even if he turns and walks out the door and would have wanted to inform the police. The buyer no longer has the chance to look out for signs of human trafficking in those initial stages,” she says.

Prior to the new rules, someone paying for a prostitute could only be charged if they could be shown to know that the sex worker was controlled by a pimp or had been trafficked.

Informants less likely

Detective chief sergeant Kenneth Eriksson, who has worked with sex workers for almost twenty years, says that prosecuting someone who gives police information about a human trafficker is nonsensical.

“Of course there is always that risk that a client is scared of being prosecuted for visiting somewhere to buy sex. Some people could from now on keep quiet, although we do have clients calling us sometimes and passing on information, still now.”

“If a client sees a sex worker is in some way being controlled and informs police, I would go so far as to say, at least with the situation in the capital, that that client should not be prosecuted. He has brought the problem to the authorities’ attention,” Eriksson says.

Eriksson says one sign that should set off alarm bells of possible exploitation is if the sex worker does not speak any other language than their mother tongue.

Sex bought online

Eriksson says that nowadays most sex is bought online, and estimates that every day around 300 sex workers are active in the capital, with only a few selling themselves on the street. Most workers come from eastern Europe, with some from African countries. The number of Russian sex workers has dropped, as the money that can be earned in Russia is now comparable to that in Finland.

Eriksson says the economic downturn has also impacted on the sex industry, resulting in customer numbers going down.
 

RobinX

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Montreal
How Prudish Laws From the 1950s Make Sex Work Dangerous Today

VICE News, By Frankie Mullin, April 30, 2016

http://www.vice.com/en_uk/read/brief-history-uk-sex-work-prostitution-law-frankie-mullin

Summer, a 28-year-old London sex worker, is pissed off. She wants to know why, despite outcry from her colleagues, the UK may be lurching towards legislation that would criminalise buying sex. Or why a high-profile report into implementing the law was carried out by a team that didn't include one current sex worker, off the back of an ongoing inquiry into sex work law that felt skewed from its outset.

"It's a joke," she says to VICE. "Those on the side of the Nordic model [which makes it illegal to pay for sex] talk about giving 'a voice to the voiceless', but won't listen to those of us who are shouting at the top of our lungs, who these laws will directly affect." Summer moved to London from England's south-west and turned to sex work as a way to provide for her two children. She says she's been having "sleepless nights" thinking about the threat of a new form of criminalisation.

"Criminalising my clients would make a massive difference to my personal safety. Right now I'm able to ask for detailed screening information. I can check clients are who they say they are, request deposits, and make sure my security buddy knows where I am and who I'm with. Under criminalisation, insisting on strict screening every time wouldn't be an option."

Already, Summer's working conditions leave plenty to be desired. She can't, for example, work together with a friend as this would be classed as a brothel and is illegal. Her colleagues who work outdoors can be charged with soliciting. These are major stumbling blocks when it comes to creating a safe, fair working environment. So how did we end up with such awful laws? And are we about to stumble into making more?

It's worth noting, you'd think, that most current legislation was created without consulting the workers themselves. The main laws governing prostitution in the UK are still the 1956 Sexual Offences Act, which makes brothel-keeping an offence, and the 1959 Street Offences Act, which criminalises solicitation.

The Street Offences Act was created on the back of a 1957 document called the Wolfenden Report, best-known for its calls to decriminalise homosexuality. Setting a precedent we still see today, the report didn't include testimony from a single working prostitute. In fact, the committee behind the report found the words "homosexual" and "prostitute" so distasteful they substituted them – "for the sake of the ladies on the committee" – for "Huntleys and Palmers", a 1950s biscuit manufacturer.

The result was the 1959 Street Offences Act, put to immediate use in a crackdown on street prostitution. This triggered an increase in off-street sex work such as massage parlours and escort services, says Dr Julia Laite, a lecturer in British history at Birkbeck, University of London, and an expert in the history of UK prostitution law. More worryingly, she says, it also led to an increase in violence against sex workers.

"In the 1960s, there was a rise in violence and a rise in the police being unable to find perpetrators of violence as women moved into more clandestine work," Laite says. "There was also a rise in the prevalence of sometimes-exploitative third parties [AKA pimps]." Laite says it had all happened before. "It may have been only a coincidence that three years after the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1885 instigated a crusade against so-called brothel keepers, Jack the Ripper became known as the first serial murderer of prostitutes," she has previously written, "but it is a symbolic coincidence."

Since sex workers began to demand a voice in law-making, there have been victories – the 1984 defeat of a dangerous bill; 2014's quashing of another – but the pattern of legislating over their heads continued.

"The 2003 Sexual Offences Bill consultation largely ignored what sex workers had to say," says Niki Adams of the English Collective of Prostitutes. "It increased sentences for working together in premises and introduced an offence to stop the consensual movement of people across international borders, disguised as an anti-trafficking measure. Immigrant sex workers were targeted for raids and arrested as a result."

And here we are in 2016, discussion raging once more. Sex workers sidelined, once more. When the current UK inquiry gathered oral evidence there were three main witnesses: just one current sex worker, Laura Lee; a former prostitute and survivor of abuse within the industry, Mia de Faoite; and UK Feminista's Kat Banyard who admitted not having actually worked with prostitutes but "with women with involvement in prostitution".

"We've had 150 years of this bullshit," Laite says. "And there's a depressing pattern to it all. Ironically, while calls to criminalise are predicated on the idea that prostitution is harmful, what I'm seeing is that the more criminalised it gets, the more harmful it becomes.

"What really bothers me is that these people present the idea of criminalising buyers as a brand-new, feminist, revolutionary idea. Really, the idea is very old. It wasn't originally considered feminist; it was far more connected to the moral reform movement."

Then again, if this wasn't really about moral reform, the aim would be improved working conditions and safety, not abolition. Those already working under similar laws tell us repeatedly that criminalising sex buyers means that they too are criminalised and endangered. In Northern Ireland, since the Sex Buyers law was passed last year, three sex workers – but only one buyer – have been arrested.

We've been here before. In 1898, an amendment to the Vagrancy Act made "living off the earnings of a prostitute" an offence. But, lo and behold, in 1900, only 165 pimps were sentenced while 7,415 women were convicted under the solicitation laws.

By legal definition, under the Street Offences Act, Summer can still be classed a "common prostitute". "I feel powerless," she says. "Nobody is advocating for me and my colleagues throughout this. We are being silenced."
 

RobinX

Member
Aug 30, 2009
452
0
16
Montreal
Why Laws That Criminalize Buyers of Sex Only Make Sex Work More Dangerous

Huffingtonpost
Alison Bass, Award-winning journalist, author and journalism professor
05/02/2016

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alison-bass/why-laws-that-criminalize_b_9820562.html

There seems to be an international push these days toward making the purchase of sex (but not its sale) illegal. In the 16 years since Sweden criminalized buyers of commercial sex, Norway, Denmark, Canada and most recently, northern Ireland have followed suit. And now England is considering similar legislation, according to VICE. What adherents to this approach don’t understand is that such laws only make working conditions much more dangerous for sex workers and do very little to curb the demand for commercial sex.

As I illustrate in my book, Getting Screwed: Sex Workers and the Law, many sex workers are careful to screen clients before they meet with them, asking for detailed information about who they are and where they work. As Maddy, a high-end escort in Washington, D.C. whose clients are corporate executives and top government officials, told me, “ I never see clients I haven’t screened. I find out where they work, and I can verify that they actually are who they say they are.”

As Maddy and other sex workers note, laws criminalizing buyers would make such screening much more difficult — what buyer is going to readily divulge such culpable information — and thus jeopardize their ability to work safely. And indeed, that appears to be what has happened in Sweden. Since 2000, studies show, sex workers there have a much more difficult time negotiating safe sex (i.e. sex with condoms) and assessing dangerous clients. They’ve also lost many low-risk clients, leaving them exposed to more violent clientele — both on the streets and indoors.

The irony is that Sweden’s approach has actually increased the overall number of sex workers in that country and did not reduce trafficking in the region at all, according to the Swedish government’s own reports.

By contrast, countries that have decriminalized sex work and regulated it to some degree (such as the Netherlands and New Zealand) report no increase in the sex trafficking of minors and illegal immigrants. At the same time, sex workers in those countries are better able to protect themselves — from physical harm and sexually transmitted diseases. Because they don’t fear being arrested, they have more time to negotiate safe sex and they are more comfortable working with police to target traffickers and abusive clients.

In decriminalized environments, sex workers are also able to work with colleagues who know where they’re going and who they’re meeting with, an important safeguard — without fear of being arrested. As I blogged about before, police in the United States often arrest sex workers who work together and charge them with trafficking each other, even when they are working together by choice.

As one British researcher told VICE, the current push in the United Kingdom to criminalize buyers is reminiscent of the solicitation laws passed there in the late 19th century, which resulted in the convictions of 7,415 sex workers but only 165 pimps. As Julia Laite,a lecturer in British history at Birkbeck, University of London, said:

What really bothers me is that these people present the idea of criminalizing buyers as a brand-new, feminist, revolutionary idea. Really, the idea is very old. It wasn’t originally considered feminist; it was far more connected to the moral reform movement.
And that’s exactly what’s going on today with the movement to criminalize buyers. The End Demand folks who are pushing this agenda are not concerned with the rights and safety of the women and men who sell sex; they are on some kind of high-minded moral crusade to “rescue” people who don’t want or need to be rescued.
 

Orange_Julep

New Member
Mar 21, 2015
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http://gawker.com/texas-says-its-ok-to-shoot-an-escort-if-she-wont-have-s-511636423

Texas Says It's OK to Shoot an Escort If She Won't Have Sex With You

A jury in Bexar County, Texas just acquitted Ezekiel Gilbert of charges that he murdered a 23-year-old Craigslist escort—agreeing that because he was attempting to retrieve the $150 he'd paid to Lenora Ivie Frago, who wouldn't have sex with him, his actions were justified.

Gilbert had admitted to shooting Frago in the neck on Christmas Eve 2009, when she accepted $150 from Gilbert and left his home without having sex with him. Frago, who was paralyzed by the shooting, died several months later.

Gilbert's defense argued that the shooting wasn't meant to kill, and that Gilbert's actions were justified, because he believed that sex was included as part of the fee. Texas law allows people "to use deadly force to recover property during a nighttime theft."

The 30-year-old hugged his defense attorneys after the "not guilty" verdict was read by the judge. If convicted, he could have faced life in prison. He thanked God, his lawyers, and the jury for being able to "see what wasn't the truth."
 

hungry101

Well-Known Member
Oct 29, 2007
5,838
546
113
The average age at which girls enter the trade is 14, Legault-Roy said. The demand from men drives that age down, she added.

“We used to see cars going to recruit kids on the sidewalks near high schools, now with social media, they don’t need to do that anymore,” she said.

[/QUOTE]

The average girl starts sex work at 14? So if the average age is 14 than many girls must start even younger. What absolute bullshit. But what are you going to do? John Q public wants to believe this. I am assuming that Legault-Roy is a member of a NGO or something akin to this. Roy and the media are just providing a narrative that John Q. Public wants to hear and read about.
 

The Snark

Member
Feb 24, 2005
198
10
18
TORONTO

Butterfly Effect: Migrant sex workers' group aims to counter myths of "rescue industry"

Antonia Zerbisias, NOW Magazine
Published: June 24, 2015 5:43 PM

https://nowtoronto.com/news/butterfly-effect/

Bad enough that they're isolated by race, culture and language and, worse, stigmatized by a false human trafficking narrative, but they're also endangered unjustly by the Harper government's anti-prostitution laws.

Now those working legally in Canada say they're being further victimized, dealing with constant police harassment, illegal detention and invasion of privacy.

"It's wrong to assume that all Asian sex workers are here illegally," Elene Lam insists over the telephone from Ottawa. "One woman who is legal was arrested four times in a week. In a week!"

Lam is the face of Butterfly, the Asian and Migrant Sex Workers Network, established last fall to advocate for the rights of Asian women in the trade.

The group's mission includes countering the myths that Lam maintains have been perpetuated by the so-called "rescue industry," which along with Christian Evangelical groups dominated the parliamentary hearings last fall on Bill C-36, the Harper government's Protection Of Communities And Exploited Persons Act.

"The voice of Asian and migrant sex workers has been missing from all this," Lam says, explaining why it was necessary to launch Butterfly.

Unlike most other sex workers, they're being persecuted by a combination of municipal police forces, Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) officers and even bylaw authorities, who raid massage parlours and other workplaces, demand their documentation and even collect personal information such as their contacts.

This year two significant police operations have swept up migrant sex workers.

The first, conducted in April by a much-beefed-up RCMP Human Trafficking National Coordination Centre, did indeed break up an alleged nation-wide ring that was exploiting foreign sex workers.

The second, however, was carried out last month in Ottawa after neighbourhood complaints prompted local police, in conjunction with CBSA and bylaw officers, to "inspect" 20 locations including massage parlours. That, despite the Supreme Court's landmark Bedford decision, which struck down as unconstitutional three of Canada's many laws pertaining to prostitution, stipulating that "public nuisance" should never trump the safety of sex workers.

No human trafficking was uncovered. Only bylaw fines were imposed. However, 11 "foreign nationals" were deported on work permit violations.

"Some women asked for warrants, but the police just came in and searched their rooms anyway, even if it violates their rights," says Lam. "They can't protect themselves."

Frédérique Chabot of POWER (Prostitutes of Ottawa/Gatineau Work, Educate and Resist) compares the situation to what is happening in Norway and Sweden, where the so-called "Nordic model" of criminalizing clients has driven sex work underground. "People in government have used feminist and human rights rhetoric to facilitate anti-immigration and anti-sex work enforcement and sentiment," she tells NOW.

The government's anti-prostitution laws are "continuing to build a relationship between police, CBSA and bylaw [enforcers]. They're using every tool they can to bust people."

But even before the new law was introduced, police had been intimidating legal sex workers.

In early 2014, in a nationwide police operation dubbed Northern Spotlight, plainclothes officers supposedly targeting traffickers posed as clients and, in the words of sex workers, bullied them as they pretended to rescue them.

For Asian sex workers, who may not speak English and have no reason to trust police, these recent warrant-less incursions into their homes and workplaces are especially frightening.

Lam says, "We see a kind of racial profiling, so this is very problematic. Even when women have [legal immigration] status, there is a lot of abuse. They are being detained; their personal information is being taken."

In May, a survey of Asian sex workers in Toronto and Vancouver by the Supporting Women's Alternatives Network (SWAN) revealed that 95 per cent of respondents never seek help from law enforcement - even if they are experiencing violence, abuse, harassment or exploitation. In Toronto, not a single respondent trusted the police.

"Nobody calls the cops, even though they're getting robbed and assaulted. And clearly they're correct not to call the police, because it identifies certain places for the police to visit," says Chabot.

Asian sex workers here illegally are more easily targeted, stigmatized and terrorized. Meanwhile, their legal co-workers are getting caught up in the raids and prevented from earning a living.

"Yes, some women might be working in exploitative situations, but how does it help to criminalize or arrest them?" Lam demands. "What police are doing is making it more difficult to get the support they need.

"Asian and migrant sex workers are always being used to push the rescue model. Now we can show a different story and show the harms of enforcement and the anti-trafficking discourse."

Concludes Chabot: "[These arrests are] all really nicely packaged for the public, but the reality is much darker. There's no such thing as a war on sex work without a war on sex workers - and this is what all this looks like."
 

gugu

Active Member
Feb 11, 2009
1,741
18
38
A radical moment for Britain’s sex workers
The Commons inquiry into prostitution has recommended legalising brothels and soliciting as quickly as possible. So, what happens now?

Janet Eastham
Monday 4 July 2016 18.19 BST Last modified on Tuesday 5 July 2016 10.46 BST

https://www.theguardian.com/global/...ting-legalised-womens-safety-stunning-victory

When Mariana Popa was stabbed to death in Redbridge, east London, in the early hours of 29 October 2013, she had been working later than usual to pay off a police fine for soliciting. It was issued as part of Operation Clearlight – a police campaign to drive prostitutes from the street. Crucially, she was working alone.

The exchange of sex for money between consenting adults is legal in the UK, but associated activities – brothel-keeping and soliciting – are criminalised, which means sex workers are often forced to work isolated from one another and in locations to avoid the police, making them vulnerable to attack. Popa, who had arrived from Romania only three weeks before, became another statistic: one of an estimated 152 sex workers murdered between 1990 and 2015.

So Friday’s radical call by a cross-party group of senior MPs for soliciting by sex workers to be decriminalised could not have come sooner; the home affairs select committee prostitution inquiry’s interim report requests that laws criminalising soliciting and the sharing of premises by sex workers be repealed as a matter of urgency. The Sex Worker Open University (SWOU) called this “a stunning victory for sex workers and our demands for decriminalisation” and “a giant step forward for sex workers’ rights in the UK”.

The outcome of the Commons inquiry is not merely surprising; it is unprecedented. If the committee’s recommendation is acted on, it would be the first time UK law has valued the voices of sex workers and the research of academics above the objections of disparate campaigners. For me, as a member of SWOU, it is a triumph of rational thinking over empty rhetoric.

“Treating soliciting as a criminal offence is having an adverse effect,” says the committee’s chair, Keith Vaz, “and it is wrong that sex workers, who are predominantly women, should be penalised and stigmatised in this way. The criminalisation of sex workers should therefore end.” Under current UK legislation, two or more sex workers working together for safety can be called a brothel. As Vaz explains, this law “means sex-workers can be too afraid of prosecution to work together at the same premises, which can often compromise their safety”. An estimated 49% of sex workers say they are worried about their safety; this change in legislation will save lives.

The committee has also asked the Home Office to delete previous convictions and cautions for prostitution from sex workers’ records. As the report explains, “Having a criminal record for prostitution-related offences […] creates an unsurmountable barrier for sex workers wishing to exit prostitution and to move into regular work.”

In a recent Ted Talk, SWOU member Toni Mac explained that sex workers the world over are campaigning for “full decriminalisation and labour rights as workers”. Amnesty International advocates decriminalisation as the only way to protect sex workers from human rights violations and abuses. Its scrupulously evidence-based policy, backed by 10 other global non-governmental organisations, was published on 26 May. The select committee has not yet come out in favour of any particular legal framework.

This report’s recommendations are all the more surprising given the prostitution inquiry’s inauspicious beginnings. Before the addition of Nusrat Ghani, MP for Wealden, the committee was all-male, a choice at odds with its construction of prostitution as a women’s issue. Many sex workers and allies feared a judgment in favour of the sex-buyer law, in which buying sex is criminalised and selling sex decriminalised.

Alex Feis-Bryce, CEO of National Ugly Mugs, a resource organisation for sex workers, described the inquiry’s terms of reference as “biased” – a concern echoed by SWOU. During the inquiry, witnesses were asked to supply evidence in response to terms of reference that aligned “prostitution” with “violence against women” and conflated sex work with trafficking.

Author Kat Banyard and survivor of prostitution Mia de Faoite were two of the first witnesses called to give oral evidence. “I have absolutely no idea why Banyard is being involved in any consultation or any policy around sex work,” says Feis-Bryce. “Her only link to sex work is that she has strong views on sex work. As far as I know, her organisation [UK Feminista, which launched the End Demand campaign] doesn’t provide any frontline support for sex workers; it’s just a campaigning organisation.”

Banyard recently published Pimp State: Sex, Money and the Future of Equality and argued on these pages that “rebranding prostitution as sex work” was one of the industry’s biggest dangers. “[The book’s] vehemence has a certain intoxicating momentum,” said critic Charlotte Shane in a review for the Spectator, “[but] the message is mired in logical fallacies and light on evidence.”

Former sex workers Paris Lees and Brooke Magnanti (alias Belle de Jour) queried why the committee chose them over current sex workers to give oral evidence. Magnanti suggested: “We come with media platforms; we come and we bring attention. We are the merkin for these proceedings, so you can tick a box and say, ‘We spoke to some ex-sex workers.’” Laura Lee was the only active sex worker who spoke face-to-face with the committee.

And yet the MPs “produced a carefully researched and well-reasoned report”, in spite of initial doubts. Such a U-turn was no doubt made possible by the unprecedented 250 pieces of written evidence submitted by workers, academics, campaigners and charities.

In the past, the debate over sex work legislation has been muddied by misuse of statistics. As Jay Levy, decriminalisation advocate and author of Criminalising the Purchase of Sex: Lessons from Sweden, explains: “We are talking about one of the most clandestine communities; the vast majority of sex workers need to stay invisible to survive. So anyone who says “X percentage of Y”, I just think it’s nonsensical. As soon as people start quoting these statistics, I think maybe they have quite a strong ulterior motive.” In the first oral evidence session, Banyard stated: “approximately 50% of women in prostitution became involved when they were children. It began as child sexual exploitation, and it continued.” This would be very concerning, if only it were true. However, as Feis-Bryce clarifies in his supplementary evidence, this statistic comes from a Home Office paper from 2004, which is in turn based on nine very old sources, six of which are pre-1999. Moreover, “at least one source only had participants under the age of 18, offering a foregone conclusion.”

Dr Magnanti, who swapped her career as a high-class escort for forensic science and population statistics, puts the average age of entrance into sex work in the UK at approximately 23.

De Faoite told the inquiry, “Europe has a horrendous human trafficking situation at the moment”, and Banyard described “a huge problem of sex trafficking into this country”. Between 2007 and 2009, Prof Nicola Mai “conducted research that analysed the experiences of migration and sex work of 100 migrant women, men and transgender people working in London”. He found that around 6% of female interviewees had experiences that equated to trafficking.

Significantly, the Commons report draws a distinction between sex work and trafficking, and points out that the Modern Slavery Act 2015 already criminalises the latter. The committee was “dismayed to discover the poor quality of information available about the extent and nature of prostitution in England and Wales”. It has recommended the Home Office commission in-depth research on this topic, to be presented to parliament by June 2017. This report, “should aim to publish and explain reliable statistics, which can be used to inform future legislative and policy decisions, and to discard any unreliable data”.


Evidence submitted to the inquiry was “highly polarised” between those in favour of the Swedish-style sex-buyer law, and those supporting full decriminalisation of sex workers as implemented in New Zealand. The MPs’ report appears to cautiously favour decriminalisation over the sex-buyer law, but campaigners on both sides will need to wait until next June for the inquiry’s final decision.

This report notes that the sex-buyer law is “is based on the premise that prostitution is morally wrong and should therefore be illegal, whereas at present the law makes no such moral judgment”, and that much of the “rhetoric” around the law “also denies sex workers the opportunity to speak for themselves and to make their own choices”.

In contrast, the New Zealand model of decriminalisation “has resulted in benefits, including a clear policy message, better conditions for sex workers, improved cooperation between sex workers and police, and no detectable increase in the size of the sex industry or exploitation of sex workers”.

In the meantime, the real test of this report will be its implications for the most vulnerable members of our community. In east London, street-based sex workers are being issued with section 35 dispersal orders, tiny bits of pink paper that criminalise them for existing. It is now down to the National Police Chiefs’ Council to ensure the committee’s recommendations will be implemented across the board.



For those interested, the report is here.
 

CaptRenault

A poor corrupt official
Jun 29, 2003
2,182
1,117
113
Casablanca
Reverdy, thanks for posting this unusual example of a mainstream journalist calling for overturning C-36. Tyler Dawson deserves praise :thumb: for having the courage to go against the many journalists who buy into sex trafficking hysteria and the idea that a "Nordic law" anti-prostitution regime is a good idea.

However, as I've stated before, don't hold your breath waiting for the Trudeau government to do the right thing. It much prefers to endlessly study the issue and hope that the Supreme Court will force the government to overturn C-36. Trudeau fears losing the approval of his feminist supporters if he were to take the lead on overturning C-36. He has already had almost a year to do something and so far he has done nothing (admittedly you could say that about a lot of his promises).
 

nafsana

New Member
Mar 24, 2016
7
1
1
Let me rephrase the question,

Has anyone gotten into trouble for seeing an SP from a reputed agency in a hotel room?

Yah but all the stings that took place so far made it appeared that the customer was about to meet a girl below 18 years old.
 
Ashley Madison
Toronto Escorts